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Immigrationality
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1. Where is the problem? | |
There is lot of talk about tightening borders of late. | |
Right wing parties blame immigrants for anything from crime to unemployment | |
to the bankrupcy of social services to the disintegration of society which they | |
claim was taking place. | |
A end-of world vibe seems to spread among their ranks, while they argue that | |
we were in a dog-eat-dog world. | |
Is there really a immigration-caused crime problem? | |
Are immigrants "stealing" jobs? | |
Are social services heading for bankrupcy, and are immigrant loafers the cause? | |
These are the questions we need to answer positively, if we seriously want to | |
argue to solve these problems through tighter borders. | |
1.1. Crimmigration | |
Why should crime be an immigration related issue? | |
Are immigrants largely criminal? | |
No, they are for the most part nice people like the rest of us. | |
Are there criminal enterprises that profit from immigration? | |
Sure, human trafficking is a form of immigration, though nobody would suggest | |
that the victims of traffickers are criminals. | |
They are victims. | |
And there is smuggling, which might depend on a constant stream of couriers, | |
but usually tourist are much better suited for the task. | |
Anyway, to conclude from the existance of criminal structures that depend on | |
immigration that immigration is the source of these structures is a non sequitur. | |
We can look at crime from an economic standpoint. | |
A life of crime is a high risk, high yield investment, although the risks are often | |
higher than the return. | |
Crime only flourishes, when earning an income through legal means has become | |
sufficiently difficult or unobtainable. | |
In short, it only pays to rob and burglarize when running from the police is less | |
difficult than earning a good living through legal means. | |
Are fair work opportunities for immigrants rare and repercussions if caught | |
negligible, then immigrants might become more likely to commit crime, though | |
this has less to do with their immigrant status, than with the difficulty of earning | |
a living. | |
1.2. Job Stealing | |
Interestingly enough, are proponents of tighter borders often especially | |
adamant, that immigrants must be able to support themselves. | |
They argue, that immigrants without the means or skills to support themselves | |
would just become a burden to society by collecting unemployment benefits. | |
This would be perfectly alright, if they wouldn't blame immigrants of stealing | |
jobs from the native workforce. | |
How can immigrants support themselves if they are not supposed to work in | |
a paid job? | |
It is a logical contradiction to demand from immigrants that they support | |
themselves, but not to take up any paid work. | |
Now, are immigrants really stealing jobs from the native workforce? | |
No. | |
If the local economy prefers to employ cheap, and often unskilled laborers, | |
over the native workforce, then this economy is not exactly playing nicely, | |
and should be looked at. | |
The local enterprises are making the decision to employ immigrants and | |
saving on salaries. | |
It is not like the immigrants have an interest to provide underpaid labor. | |
It is their lack of skills and abundance that allows local companies to force the | |
prices down to the disadvantage of immigrants and the local workforce. | |
The local cooperations should reprioritize their relationship with the native | |
workforce over stock revenue. | |
1.3. Social Services Bankrupcy | |
We cannot hope to keep all immigrants without a job forever, and ask them | |
to support themselves. | |
One way how they can get out of this trap is by applying for social benefits. | |
Currently social services are under strain in almost every country, but | |
immigration makes up just a small percentage of the money paid by social | |
services. | |
Giving immigrants desirable opportunities to earn a living will cut these | |
benefit payments dramatically. | |
It must also be said, that the social services are usually paid through public | |
debt, also known as inflation. | |
Therefore, all budget decisions are doubly a product of politics. | |
Immigrants have virtually no influence on these decisions. | |
Inflation might not be the best way to finance social services, but it is still | |
the most worthy cause to justify inflation. | |
Bailout programmes for private sector enterprises are much more | |
objectionable. | |
2. Measure | |
2.1. Can we achieve tight borders | |
The proposal to tighten down national or supernational borders, e.g. the EU | |
border, is ultimately a futile endeavor. | |
Every nation or political region will still want to allow tourists, trade, | |
diplomacy, highly-qualified and menial workers, and asylum seekers to enter. | |
To keep out tourists would decimate any countries tourism sector and leave | |
a large number unemployed. | |
(Rendering immigration-blamed unemployment even worse.) | |
Today's living standards depend on international trade. | |
It also depends heavily on cheap labor to do the dirtywork and the free | |
movement of brains to drive progress. | |
As long as we are unwilling to skip our coffees, chocolate and live without | |
computers, trade must continue. | |
Since we want neither the absence of tourism, nor the consequences of no trade, | |
not to mention wars, diplomacy must stay. | |
Finally, we do proud ourselves of our humanitarian qualities, in short, that we | |
aren't nazi-ish brutes. | |
Now, tourist and work visas can be overstaid, diplomatic status given for | |
creative reasons, and trade even requires occasional visits of foreign | |
representatives. | |
All of them could go into hiding. There is no way to track these people for | |
eventual deportation. | |
To have anything even remotely similar to a tight border, the entire physical | |
border must be superveiled and patroled. | |
Adding the costs of sucha measure to the absence of trade and tourism prosperity | |
really leaves but one conclusion. | |
The costs outweigh any possible benefit. | |
2.2. Reaction tardiness | |
A closed border does not diminish the attractiveness of living in a country, | |
but just of the attractiveness of the journey there. | |
As long as a country is attractive, some people will try to sneak in. | |
By pushing prospective immigrants to go to greather length, they will have to | |
keep up inventing new tricks to cross the border. | |
In turn more resources are needed to control the border. | |
Costs rise. | |
A continuing armsrace ensues. | |
A endless series of more or less successful actions on both sides is the result. | |
In any case, the immigrants are forcing the border control's hand. | |
The border control has a disadvantage, since they can only fight the | |
immigrants when they make their move. | |
They are always one step behind the immigrants. | |
This leads to the question: | |
Is one willing to put control over the border budget in foreign hands? | |
2.3. Outcome distribution | |
There is a disbalance between what both sides, the separatist country and | |
the prospective immigrants can achieve. | |
The best outcome the country can hope for, is that it can keep everybody | |
out for some given price, and that this price is not too high. | |
In the worst case the country pays a horrendously high price, but fails to | |
keep the immigrants out. | |
It's outcome spectrum lies between a reasonable price and a ridiculous waste | |
of resources. | |
The immigrants however either win a new, more positive existance, or go back | |
to their old lives. | |
Their outcome spectrum lies between loosing nothing and a huge win. | |
The world isn't an exact place. | |
On average the outcomes for both lies somewhere between the ends | |
of the outcome spectrum. | |
On average the country looses. | |
On average the immigrant wins. | |
It's a sucker's game, that any country should refuse to play. | |
2.4. Problem Solving vs Problem Export | |
If tight borders worked, and immigration was the cause of all the problems | |
usually discussed in this context, limiting immigration or even deporting | |
people might actually do what is expected from it. | |
Except, the immigrants keep returning again and again and run up the costs | |
of autorities. | |
Yes, the immigration would be managable, but the situation would not have | |
been defused. | |
Why play a game that is not winnable? | |
A much better solution would be to export solutions. | |
Helping other countries to give people better perspectives might be a | |
cheaper solution in the long run. | |
However, this isn't an easy task, and all the details have to be done right. | |
Existing student exchange programmes for example are only available to | |
students with exceptionally good grades. | |
These students often end up staying in their host country, because to local | |
employers they are more attractive than the local students, who have | |
mostly normal grades. | |
Smart immigrants are a much bigger problem than cheap workers. | |
Cheap workers fill the menial jobs that no local wants to do. | |
Smart immigrants take the jobs every local would like to have, and leave | |
them without prospects. | |
Local university graduates are usually not happy to do menial work, nor | |
are they always well suited to work abroad. | |
Most study programmes are industry oriented and therefore to some degree | |
location specific. | |
The best thing would be to build and run universities and other schools | |
abroad with programmes that are of local value. | |
Exchange students should be average, but willing to become teachers in | |
their own countries to replace the foreign guest teachers. | |
Actually, it doesn't matter if tight borders work or not. | |
As long as people's perspectives abroad are improved, they don't need to | |
immigrate to any other place. | |
Conversly, the local people from the original immigration country might | |
emigrate if their local perspectives are declining. | |
Building up foreign places can be like an insurance for bad times. | |
2.5. Nation Concept | |
The concept of a nation is a rather new invention and goes back to the | |
industrial age. | |
Before that, there were numerous little kingdoms scattered everywhere. | |
Borders were short enough and trade small enough in volume to allow the | |
local king or baron to keep an eye on all movements across the border. | |
Back then movement of goods and people was havily taxed. | |
People would not travel unless it was really necessary. | |
Plus, live in the neighbour kingdom was on average as drab and and hard | |
as anywhere else. | |
Migration only occured in the context of wars, but if they did, the | |
scale was massive. | |
Modern migration is nowhere near as grand and disruptive as it was. | |
The nation as we know it was introduced in a relatively short time. | |
Obviously, the concept of an uniform political zone existed long before | |
that, e.g. in the roman empire, but it was always clear that this was | |
not a rigid situation, but a constant process, hence the romann legions | |
stationed along the borders of the roman empire. | |
Armed conflicts were common. | |
The roman empire used it's far-away provinces as a buffer against | |
invaders and to isolate it's core from the negative effects of the wars. | |
This is a very different concept than that of nations. | |
Nationbuilding was largely a legal and economic process. | |
Concentrating territory required a single, common legal standard and | |
processes, but allowed to abolishing customs within the territory and | |
therefore to profit from a larger domestic market. | |
This is basically the same idea as breaking down national borders today | |
to profit from an internatonal market, but on a smaller scale. | |
In order to gather support for the changes that needed to be made to | |
law and business practices, popular support was rallied through the | |
emphasis of a common culture. | |
Folk tales and the works of composers were collected and published by | |
editors, the same way as lawyers on the continent codified laws and | |
published comprehensive volumes of all national laws, e.g. the french | |
code civil. | |
It did not matter if there had actually been a common culture in the | |
first place, because it did after these works were published. | |
After the necessary changes were made and the understanding of the own | |
nation as a economically, legally and politically uniform space sown in | |
it's people's minds, the process took off, more or less self-driving. | |
The current interest in free international trade is only as strong as it | |
is, because it is nothing else than the logical continuation of the same | |
basic principles. | |
Now, the nation is still the most powerful entity in existance today, but | |
there is no reason why this couldn't change. | |
The nation concept might disappear as fast as it was conceived. | |
Only contemporary politics and political theory mistake the concept of | |
nations for the only viable alternative. | |
The cyberspace has long developed in a nationless space, governed not by | |
politics, but by technical feasibility, personal contribution, and largely | |
popularity. | |
Without the dedication the early engineers put into it, the internet would | |
not have gotten of the ground. | |
Since then, individuals have changed the face of the net again and again. | |
The invention of search engines changed the net from a network of bulletin | |
boards into a collection of notepads. | |
Along came the dynamic web and multimedia, and everybody can now be a | |
makeshift tv station. | |
There is no guarantee, that solving problems in the current system is | |
cheaper than reinventing a new and better political system. | |
Continuing to think in the current boundaries is definitively rather limiting | |
access to creative solutions than supporting finding solutions. | |
The internet has already proved, that it's openness to change and outside | |
influence leads to all sorts of solutions to problems and even problems that | |
don't exist yet. | |
It would certainly be a foolish decision to ignore such powerful lessons of | |
the capabilities of open systems for the problem at hand. | |
2.6. Diversity | |
What does it mean, when a country is described as having a rich culture? | |
Usually, having a rich culture refers to foreign influences, a mix of | |
cultures and a liberal attitude. | |
The regular trott of a homogenous society does not lend itself as | |
birthplace of new traditions and ideas. | |
It is the need for adaption, the challenge of change or even the threat of | |
outside influence that drives the cultural process. | |
A diverse culture therefore is a rich culture. | |
A country kept clean and sterile of anything new is a cultureless place. | |
A sterile country is also a country which is the most endangered from | |
actual degeneration, while a culturally diverse country already posseses | |
the means to change and adapt instead of perish. | |
2.7. Personal Freedom / Human Rights | |
Personal freedom can only effectively be realized, when they people | |
involved can move about freely. | |
Freedom in a box, even if that box is country-sized is not freedom. | |
It is a generous prison. | |
It is lavish packaging around a little privatized freedom. | |
2.8. Nationbuilding through Immigration | |
2.9. Cause or Consequence? | |
2.10. Age Distributions and Marrygration |
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